A Sketch of the History of the Second Mississippi Infantry Regiment:
The Gettysburg Campaign: Part II: The Color Episode of the 149th Pennsylvania
Although battered, the spirit of the regiment was not broken. Later during the afternoon of July 1st, Colonel Stone noticed a stand of Federal colors that had been advanced well to the front of the Union line near a pile of rails. Lieutenant A. K. Roberts of Company H volunteered to lead a party consisting of himself and four men from the 2nd Mississippi in an attempt to capture the enemy colors. The colors belonged to the 149th Pennsylvania Infantry, and they had sent their color party forward as a ruse to draw the fire of Confederate artillery batteries away from enfilading their main line. As Lieutenant Roberts’ squad surprised the Pennsylvanians near the fence railings, a hand-to-hand struggle ensued. Lieutenant Roberts, less heavily encumbered than the other men and athletically inclined, neared the rail pile first, but to the surprise of the squad, the hidden color guard rose up and killed the Lieutenant. In the confusion that followed, the gun of one of Roberts’ men failed to fire, but he used it as a club and in so doing, stumbled and fell among the rails. When he recovered, he noted two of the Federal color guard were retreating with one of Roberts’ men as a prisoner, while the color bearer was also retreating with his flag. He recapped his gun and fired at the color bearer and broke his leg. He then rushed forward, seized the colors from the wounded Federal and, amid a hail of bullets from the Federal line, brought in the captured colors of the 149th Pennsylvania. This man was Private Henry “Tobe” McPherson, also a member of Company H. Colonel Stone offered McPherson the lieutenancy position created by Roberts’ death, which he declined, but accepted a furlough instead.
The battered survivors of Davis’ Brigade spent July 2nd performing light duties and getting some much-needed rest. Augustus L. P. Vairin of Company B, the O’Connor Rifles, noted his regiment had been “reduced fearfully,” and recorded in his diary on July 2nd, “rested all day – gathering arms.” Hundreds of arms were gathered along with other accouterments such as blankets, canteens, haversacks, and cartridge boxes. Finally in the late afternoon, the men of 11th Mississippi arrived from their wagon train guard detail, helping to somewhat raise the spirits of the men who had escaped the debacle at the Railroad Cut. According to contemporary accounts, the 11th Mississippi mustered about 350 men upon its arrival on the battlefield.
In the gathering darkness, the Confederate forces fell back from Cemetery Ridge and Davis’ men bivouacked for the night. “From our Bivouac,” wrote Vairin, “we could see the Battlefield of this day.” A few curious soldiers walked to the edge of the woods where, in the moonlight, they gazed upon the scene of the fighting. A sporadic fire continued in this sector of the field and a few unlucky men of the brigade were hit. One of them was Vairin. He recorded his misfortune with the simple statement, “I was struck in the head with a glancing ball which disabled me for the rest of the day so I did no more that day.”
 J. H. Strain. “Heroic Henry McPherson,” Confederate Veteran, XXXI (1923): p. 205. J. H. Bassler. The Color Episode of the One Hundred and Forty-Ninth Regiment, Pennsylvania Volunteers. Paper Read Before the Lebanon County Historical Society, October 18, 1907. CMSR. Noted in his compiled service records "Captured a stand of colors [149th Pennsylvania] on 7/1/1863 at Gettysburg in front of lines. Declined promotion therefor." Private McPherson was killed at The Wilderness on 5/6/1864. He appears on a register of appointments, CSA to Ensign & 1st Lt. Date of appointment: 6/6/1864. To take rank: 5/4/1864 (However, Pvt. McPherson was killed before it could take effect).
Other historians [Martin, Gettysburg, July 1, for example] have mistakenly identified the Pennsylvania unit that Roberts and McPherson encountered as the 56th Pennsylvania of Cutler’s brigade. This incident occurred some time after the regiment’s experience near the Railroad Cut, probably after 3:00 p.m. in the afternoon. Additionally, credit has been given by other writers to the 42nd Mississippi or the 55th North Carolina, and even a unit from Daniel’s Brigade for capturing these colors. Lieutenant Strain’s account in the Confederate Veteran rings much truer with respect to the known facts.
 A.L.P. Vairin Diary, Mississippi Department of Archives and History.
 Baxter McFarland, “Casualties of the Eleventh Mississippi Regiment at Gettysburg,” Confederate Veteran, XXIV (Nashville, 1916), p. 410-411. Busey and Martin’s careful study, Regimental Strengths and Losses at Gettysburg, concluded, based on incomplete Confederate company muster records of June 30,1863, that the 11th Mississippi numbered 592 effectives on July 1st. This is difficult to reconcile with McFarland’s number of 350, even if the assumption is made that a large number of men were “detailed” or on “extra duty” that day. McFarland detailed strengths and losses by individual company for the 11th Mississippi.
 A.L.P. Vairin Diary, Mississippi Department of Archives and History.
A Sketch of the History of the Second Mississippi Infantry Regiment:
The Gettysburg Campaign: Part I: The Railroad Cut
The Fight for the Colors: Don Troiani Historical Art (Used by Permission) Corporal Francis Waller of the Sixth Wisconsin Infantry struggles with Color Corporal William B. Murphy of the Second Mississippi Infantry for possession of the Mississippi colors at the Railroad Cut at Gettysburg, July 1, 1863
Davis deployed his regiments with the veteran 2nd Mississippi in the center, the 42nd Mississippi on its right and 55th North Carolina on its left. The Southerners pushed across Willoughby Run and advanced up the west face of McPherson Ridge, driving in the enemy skirmishers. Davis’ Brigade was concentrated north of an unfinished railroad as it advanced up McPherson Ridge. The infantry of Davis and Archer steadily drove Buford’s cavalrymen to East McPherson Ridge. As Davis’ skirmishers neared the crest of West McPherson Ridge, they caught sight of a long column of Union infantry crossing the Chambersburg Pike on the run. These men were part of Brigadier General Lysander Cutler’s brigade of Brigadier General James S. Wadsworth’s division in Major General John F. Reynold’s I Corps, Army of the Potomac. Davis’ men immediately engaged the Federal infantry as it deployed into line of battle. The 2nd and 42nd Mississippi regiments hit Cutler “head-on,” while the 55th North Carolina was able to approach the flank and right-rear of the Federals. Colonel Stone brought his regiment face to face with Cutler’s troops and held his men grimly to their task. As the opposing line began to waver, Stone was wounded and command of the regiment passed to Major John A. Blair.
The two regiments forming Cutler’s center and right (the 56th Pennsylvania and 76th New York, respectively), after enduring heavy casualties, were soon put in retreat by Davis’ men. Now the attention turned to the Confederate right where the 42nd Mississippi was locked in bitter combat with Cutler’s leftmost regiment, the 147th New York and the guns of the 2nd Maine Artillery under the command of Captain James Hall. Davis wheeled his regiments toward the Chambersburg Pike to crush the only remaining organized Federal resistance. As the men of the 2nd Mississippi advanced, they could hear the frantic cry of the enemy, “They are flanking us on the right.” One New Yorker, Lieutenant J. V. Pierce, long remembered the Mississippians “pressing far to our right and rear.” As the regiment struggled to cross a rail fence, Pierce wrote, “their colors dropped to the front. An officer in front of the center corrected the alignment as if passing in review. It was the finest exhibition of discipline and drill I ever saw before or since on a battlefield.”
The men of the 2nd Mississippi and the North Carolinians surged over the fence and toward the railroad grading when they spotted a section of Hall’s battery retire to East McPherson Ridge and unlimber. The Second loosed a withering volley that crashed into the exposed section and toppled a number of men and horses. Although the Federals were able to bring off both guns, the Confederates caught sight of Hall’s other four pieces retiring from West McPherson Ridge and instinctively charged for them. Several of the Mississippians got among the guns and began shooting and bayoneting the horses to immobilize the battery. Corporal William B. Murphy of Company A recalled, “We poured such a deadly fire into them that they left their [last] piece and ran for life.”
Thus, Davis’ initial contact with the Federals had produced substantial results. His brigade had crushed the Union right, captured one gun and limber, and inflicted over five hundred casualties on the enemy. In the excitement of the moment, the Confederates pushed on toward Seminary Ridge in pursuit of Cutler’s routed units. It is at this point that Davis lost control of the situation, allowing the pursuit to become disorganized. Two of his three regimental commanders were down (Stone of the 2nd Mississippi and Colonel John K. Connolly of the 55th North Carolina), and the pursuit was directed more by exuberance than by discipline. The wildly cheering soldiers were oblivious to the approaching catastrophe. Suddenly an unexpected volley of musketry viciously ripped into their flank from the south. The 6th Wisconsin Infantry and Iron Brigade Guard had arrived at the double-quick from the Seminary to try and stem the tide of the Southern advance. Also coming onto the scene was the balance of Cutler’s brigade – the 84th and 95th New York. Bewildered by the deadly hail of missiles, the Mississippians and North Carolinians sought shelter in the nearby railroad cut. Instead of a refuge, it would soon become a trap because, along much of its length the cut was too deep for the men to fire out of. Major Alfred H. Belo of the 55th North Carolina noted in his memoirs, “It occurred to me at this moment that our brigade, being flushed with victory, should charge those regiments [6th Wisconsin, 95th and 84th New York] at once before they could form in line of battle. I told Major [John A.] Blair of the Second Mississippi to have his regiment join me in the charge, but at this moment we received the command to retire through the cut.” Belo further penned, “...if we did not charge them, they would charge us. This proved to be the case.”
Davis recognized the seriousness of the situation and later wrote in his after action report, “In this critical condition, I gave the order to retire, which was done in good order, leaving some officers and men in the railroad cut, who were captured, although every effort was made to withdraw all the commands.”
Davis’ report however, is a remarkable piece of understatement concerning his brigade’s debacle at the Railroad Cut. While Major Blair was trying to reorganize the jumbled mass of soldiers in the cut, the Federals swept over the post and rail fence lining the pike and charged. The 6th Wisconsin and Iron Brigade Guard were joined on their left by the 84th and 95th New York in the attack. The three Northern regiments suffered heavy casualties from the Southerners’ “fearfully destructive fire,” but were at the edge of the cut and upon the defenders in a matter of moments shouting, “Throw down your muskets!” Major Blair, as the senior officer present, had no choice but surrender or see the men slaughtered. He handed his sword to Lieutenant Colonel Dawes of the 6th Wisconsin. The Federals claimed 7 officers and 225 men from Davis’ three Confederate regiments as prisoners of war. In correspondence with Dawes some thirty years later, Blair would write:
"It seems that you did not know of the rail road cut at Gettysburg nor did we. After driving the first line of battle we met and seeing no other troops in our front, (you must have been concealed by an eminence between us) we concluded we would capture Gettysburg without further difficulty or bloodshed and end the war right there. It was therefore, a great surprise to us when we come up to the rail road cut, and a greater one when you swung around on our left and bagged us."
One of the most stirring incidents in the history of the 2nd Mississippi and, indeed, in the entire Battle of Gettysburg, occurred in the fierce engagement at the Railroad Cut as the regiment struggled to save its colors. William B. Murphy, the color corporal who was bearing the colors on July 1st, recalled the valiant charge of the 6th Wisconsin and the “desperate struggle” for the colors:
"My color guards were all killed and wounded in less than five minutes, and also my colors were shot more than one dozen times, and the flag staff was hit and splintered two or three times. Just about that time a squad of soldiers made a rush for my colors and our men did their duty. They were all killed or wounded, but they still rushed for the colors with one of the most deadly struggles that was ever witnessed during any battle in the war. They still kept rushing for my flag and there were over a dozen shot down like sheep in their mad rush for the colors. The first soldier was shot down just as he made for the flag, and he was shot by one of our soldiers. Just to my right and at the same time a lieutenant made a desperate struggle for the flag and was shot through the right shoulder. Over a dozen men fell killed or wounded, and then a large man made a rush for me and the flag. As I tore the flag from the staff he took hold of me and the color. The firing was still going on, and was kept up for several minutes after the flag was taken from me..."
Finally Corporal Frank Waller of Company I, 6th Wisconsin, seized both Murphy and the colors of the 2nd Mississippi. Waller presented the colors to Lieutenant Colonel Dawes who was especially gratified for he noted the 2nd Mississippi was “one of the oldest and most distinguished regiments in the Confederate army.”
Those of Davis’ Brigade that were still able, fell back down West McPherson Ridge and across Willoughby Run. Besides the prisoners taken in the Railroad Cut, Davis had left behind several hundred dead and wounded men. He reported his losses as “very heavy.” Heth’s division report noted that “the brigade maintained its position until every field officer save two were shot down, and its ranks terribly thinned.” Heth wrote “from its shattered condition it was not deemed advisable to bring it again into action that day.” Davis’ bloodied regiments, the 2nd Mississippi among them, were kept on the north side of the Chambersburg Pike to collect their stragglers and rest. When the brigade finally went into camp for the night, the only two field officers left were Colonel David Miller of the 42nd Mississippi and Lieutenant Colonel David W. Humphreys of the 2nd Mississippi who had been detached with a large detail to guard wagons. On July 3rd, he would lead the remnant of his regiment, about 60 men, as part of Pickett’s Charge.
 Ibid., pp. 10-11; Martin, Gettysburg, pp. 101-106; Krick, Failures, pp. 104-107.
 Glenn Tucker, High Tide At Gettysburg. (Dayton, 1973), p. 114.
 Winschel, Part I, p. 11; Murphy to Dearborn, June 29, 1900, Papers of E. S. Bragg, State Historical Society of Wisconsin (copy courtesy of Lance Herdegen).
 Stuart Wright, ed., Memoirs of Alfred Horatio Belo, Masters Thesis, (Winston-Salem, 1980), p. 52 (copy courtesy of Lance Hergeden).
 O.R., 27, pt. 2, p. 649.
 O.R., 27, pt. 1, pp. 275-276; Lance J. Herdegen and William J. K. Beaudot, In the Bloody Railroad Cut at Gettysburg (Dayton, 1990), pp. 198, 206-207; Rufus R. Dawes, Service With the Sixth Wisconsin Volunteers (Dayton, 1996), p. 169. Davis’ men made the Federal units pay dearly for their prize at the Railroad cut. The 6th Wisconsin reported losses of 30 killed, 116 wounded and 22 missing (168 total) of 344 engaged. Most of these losses were on the first day of the fighting and must be assumed to have occurred in the battle with Davis’ Brigade. Faring even worse was the 84th New York with 217 casualties of 318 engaged, and, suffering almost as badly was the 95th New York with 115 casualties of 241 engaged [Busey and Martin, p. 239]. The prisoners included Major Blair, Corporal Murphy and 86 other members of the 2nd Mississippi, along with the regiment’s colors (mistakenly listed in the O.R. reports as the colors of the 20th Mississippi).
 Blair to Dawes, October 23, 1893, Rufus Dawes Letters, McCain Library and Archives, University of Southern Mississippi.
 Murphy to Dearborn, June 29, 1900.
 Dawes, Sixth Wisconsin, p. 170. Waller would subsequently be awarded the Congressional Medal of Honor for the capture of the colors of the 2nd Mississippi.
 O.R., 27, pt. 2, pp. 637, 649-650. One of the dead left behind was Private George W. Weatherington, Company H, 2nd Mississippi – the older brother of the author’s great-grandfather. Previously wounded at Second Manassas, Gettysburg was his first battle since rejoining the regiment.
A Sketch of the History of the Second Mississippi Infantry Regiment:
The Gettysburg Campaign: Introduction
Although Lee was being urged by some factions to consider going west to try and reverse the Confederacy’s fading military fortunes, especially the threatened loss of Vicksburg, he countered that the best hope for independence was to encourage the peace movement in an increasingly war-weary North. The best way to drive down an adversary’s morale was to defeat the enemy army, preferably upon its own soil. To take any other course of action, Lee argued, would result in his becoming penned inside the defensive lines around Richmond. Once that happened, the outcome was inevitable. Thus Lee was given approval on June 10, 1863 to conduct an offensive into Northern territory against Hooker’s army.
On June 15th the first of Lee’s infantry columns crossed the Potomac River into Maryland, bound for Pennsylvania. Ten days later the 2nd Mississippi, now a part of A. P. Hill’s Corps, crossed the river onto enemy soil. George W. Bynum, one of five Bynum brothers in Company A, noted in his diary,
"June 25. Crossed the Potomac by wading and passed through the battle field of Sharpsburg, which was fought September 17, 1862. Much sign of the conflict is visible. The low mounds which cover the bones of those who fell, the furrowed ground, and scarred trees – all speak more plainly than words of that terrible conflict. I saw the ground over which we charged on that memorable occasion and the very spot where I was wounded. Sad, sad thoughts are recalled by again reviewing the old battleground."
By the end of June, the regiment was enjoying the abundance of the bountiful Pennsylvania countryside. Early on July 1, 1863, Heth’s Division marched east from Cashtown intent on liberating a supply of shoes earlier reported at the nearby college town of Gettysburg (or so the story goes). The 2nd and 42nd Mississippi and 55th North Carolina regiments of Davis’ Brigade pressed ahead with Heth, leaving the battle-tested 11th Mississippi to guard the division trains at Cashtown. Nobody in the Confederate high command was apparently aware that portions of the Army of the Potomac, now under the command of Major General George Meade, following Hooker’s removal, were rapidly converging on the town from the opposite direction.
Brigadier General James J. Archer’s Brigade of Heth’s Division was in the advance and drew first fire at about 7:30 a.m. Seeing Archer deploy a heavy line of skirmishers south of the Chambersburg Pike, the road down which they were advancing, Davis ordered forward skirmishers in a similar manner north of the road. For the next two hours, Archer and Davis would slowly drive Brigadier General John Buford’s Federal cavalry toward Willoughby Run. When the town of Gettysburg finally came into view, Heth ordered Davis and Archer into line to move forward and occupy the town.
 O.R., 27, pt.3, p. 882.
 Ibid., p. 442.
 G.W. Bynum Diary Extracts. Quoted in Confederate Veteran, XXXIII (1925): pp. 9-10.
 O.R., 27, pt. 2, pp. 637, 649; Robert K. Krick, “Three Confederate Disasters on Oak Ridge: Failures of Brigade Leadership on the First Day at Gettysburg.” The First Day at Gettysburg, (Kent, 1992), 99-104; David G. Martin, Gettysburg July 1 (Conshohocken, 1995), pp. 59-61, 70-71, 86-88.
 Terrence J. Winschel, “Part I: Heavy Was Their Loss: Joe Davis’s Brigade at Gettysburg.” The Gettysburg Magazine, January 1990, pp. 5-8.
A Sketch of the History of the Second Mississippi Infantry Regiment:
Detached Duty and the Suffolk Campaign
Following the retreat from Maryland, on November 8, 1862, Special Order 236 directed that the 2nd and 11th Mississippi Infantry Regiments be detached from the army and report to Richmond. There, the two veteran regiments were joined by the 42nd Mississippi and 55th North Carolina, two recently organized (May 1862) “green” regiments that had not yet seen combat. These four regiments formed a new brigade under the command of Brigadier General Joseph R. Davis, a Mississippian and Jefferson Davis’ nephew. Davis’ Brigade was sent to Goldsborough, North Carolina where the 2nd Mississippi spent a relatively pleasant winter, missing the battle of Fredericksburg, and recovering from some of its campaign losses. Wounded and sick recovered and returned to the ranks, and those taken prisoner were exchanged. However, unlike the previous winter, only a handful of new recruits joined the regiment.
With the Federals gaining a beachhead on the Virginia coast south of the James River in February 1863, Lee dispatched two divisions, Hood’s and Pickett’s, to guard the southern approaches to Richmond and Petersburg. Micah Jenkins’ and Davis’ brigades were ordered up from Goldsborough to southern Virginia, where they formed a division under the command of Major General Samuel G. French. Lee ordered Longstreet, on February 18th, to take command of the Southern forces concentrating along the Blackwater River. His orders were to defend Richmond while holding his men ready to return to the main army if needed. Longstreet was also directed to forage for provisions for the undernourished Army of Northern Virginia and, if the opportunity presented itself, to take the offensive against the Federal forces in his front.
Following weeks of scouting, foraging and skirmishing along the Blackwater River, the 2nd Mississippi was involved in Longstreet’s unsuccessful siege of Suffolk, Virginia from April 11th to May 4, 1863. Although actual fighting was light, the 42nd Mississippi and 55th North Carolina received their “baptism of fire” during a reconnaissance in force upon the Confederate lines by the 99th New York on May 1st.
Longstreet had already begun planning the return of his forces to the main army, even as the Confederates were repulsing the Federal probe of the 99th New York. The new commander of the Army of the Potomac, Major General Joseph Hooker, was attempting to execute a bold plan to destroy Lee’s army. He already had crossed the Rappahannock River and was threatening Lee’s left flank. Although the divisions of Hood and Pickett began a hurried departure, they did not arrive in time to participate in the Battle of Chancellorsville, often characterized as Lee’s greatest victory, but resulting in tragic consequences for the South. Stonewall Jackson was accidentally shot by his own men on May 2nd, losing an arm and dying of complications from pneumonia a few days later.
With Jackson’s death and Longstreet’s return, Lee reorganized the Army of Northern Virginia. From the original two-wing structure, three infantry corps were created. Longstreet retained the First Corps, the Second was placed under the command of newly promoted Lieutenant General Richard Ewell, and the new Third Corps was given to the also recently promoted Lieutenant General Ambrose Powell Hill. A new division under Major General Henry Heth, to which Davis’ Brigade was assigned, was also placed in Hill’s Corps. On June 5th the 2nd Mississippi, with the balance of Davis’ Brigade, left southern Virginia to join the new division. The regiment would remain within this organizational structure (Davis’ Brigade, Heth’s Division, Hill’s Third Corps, Army of Northern Virginia) for the remainder of the war.
 Joseph H. Crute, Jr., Units of the Confederate States Army (Midlothian, VA, 1987), pp. 187-188, 239; Stewart Sifakis, Compendium of the Confederate Armies: Mississippi (New York, 1995), pp. 133-134, North Carolina, pp. 155-156; InfoConcepts, Inc., The American Civil War Regimental Information System: Volume I --the Confederates (Albuquerque, 1994, 1995), computer database software.
 O.R., 19, pt. 2, p. 705.
 O.R., 18, p. 883; Mark M. Boatner, III, The Civil War Dictionary (New York, 1991), p. 817.
 Ibid.; Steven A. Cormier, The Siege of Suffolk: The Forgotten Campaign, April 11-May 4, 1863 (Lynchburg, VA, 1989), 246-248.
 Stephen W. Sears, Chancellorsville (Boston, 1996), pp. 117-121, 293-297, 446-448.
 Ray F. Sibley, Jr. The Confederate Order of Battle: The Army of Northern Virginia, Volume 1, (Shippensburg, 1996), p. 52; O.R., 27, pt. 3, p. 860.
A Sketch of the History of the Second Mississippi Infantry Regiment:
South Mountain and Antietam
The usually cautious McClellan’s newfound sense of aggressiveness was fostered by the discovery on September 13th of a copy of Lee’s campaign plans outlining the division of the Confederate army and routes of march. On September 14th, the Army of the Potomac engaged the Southern forces detached to guard passes through South Mountain, Maryland. Responding to the seriousness of the threat, Longstreet ordered Hood back from Hagerstown via Boonsboro to reinforce the Confederate defenders at Fox’s Gap. Immediately upon arriving, Hood deployed Law’s Brigade and his Texans, and in a counterattack, drove the Federals back at bayonet point. The 2nd Mississippi suffered approximately 17-18 casualties, mostly wounded and captured.
At nightfall, Lee fell back from the gaps with Hood’s Division acting as rear guard. Although a more prudent commander would have probably fallen back across the Potomac into Virginia, Lee chose to stand and fight. He concentrated his forces in a strong defensive position on the west side of Antietam Creek around the village of Sharpsburg, Maryland. He wanted to maintain this position to block any attempted advance by McClellan and allow time to complete the capture of Harpers Ferry and its garrison.
Tired and hungry, the men of the 2nd Mississippi found it necessary to again advance against the Federals at dusk on the evening of September 16th. Elements of the Army of the Potomac had crossed Antietam Creek north of Lee’s army and were moving into positions opposite the Confederate left flank. Hood was ordered into the East Woods, a small woodlot which was being infiltrated by Federal skirmishers. Law’s Brigade, in skirmish order just north of the East Woods, was suddenly met by a reconnaissance party of the 13th Pennsylvania Reserves (“Bucktails”). The Bucktails, with their Sharps breechloading rifles, used their enhanced firepower to turn the slow withdrawal of Law’s skirmishers into a stampede as they neared the edge of the woods. Luckily, the 4th and 5th Texas arrived to hit the Pennsylvanians simultaneously from the west and south, supported by a section of howitzers from Stephen D. Lee’s artillery battalion. By 8:00 p.m. however, most of Hood’s units had fallen back to the West Woods for the night. As darkness fell, Law’s Brigade soon came under Federal artillery fire from the batteries to their right on the other side of Antietam Creek.
As night approached, the men lay in the West Woods, facing north while the Union heavy guns fired down the length of their lines from the east. Luckily, most of the shots fell just in front or rear of the Confederate positions. However, the colonel of the 11th Mississippi, Phillip Liddell, was struck in the torso by a bursting shell fragment and would die two days later.
Sometime after midnight, Hood’s men were relieved and allowed to get some rest and food. Other than a half ration of beef and some green corn, they had not eaten for three days. As most of the men wearily returned to their original positions near the Dunker Church, details from each company were sent to forage for food and prepare a morning meal.
The men of the 2nd Mississippi were awakened on the morning of September 17th while it was still dark. Although Hood had persuaded General Lee to allow the division to stay in reserve long enough for the men to eat their long-overdue meal, McClellan’s battle plans did not cooperate. Shells began to fall near the Dunker Church in preparation for a Federal assault on the Confederate left. Law was forced to order the still-hungry men to fall into ranks and prepare for battle.
Somewhat after 6:00 a.m., Colonel Law moved his brigade in columns east across the Hagerstown Pike, where it turned north and deployed in a single battle line. The 2nd Mississippi under Colonel Stone anchored the extreme left of Law’s line, while next came the 11th Mississippi, 6th North Carolina and 4th Alabama on the extreme right. To the left of the 2nd Mississippi the Texas Brigade was similarly deployed in line, with the 1st Texas on the right of the brigade. Law’s men advanced into the Miller Cornfield in a generally northerly direction, loading and firing as they went, except for the 4th Alabama, which moved by the right flank down the Smoketown Road toward the East Woods. The veteran fighters of the 2nd and 11th Mississippi and the 6th North Carolina savagely drove the Federals out of the Cornfield (probably upset at having their long-anticipated breakfasts interrupted). They then reformed along a rail fence at the northern edge of the field, continuing to fire at Federal batteries and infantry units coming onto the scene. At one point, the Confederate line rose and fired at a mere thirty feet distance into the 4th and 8th Pennsylvania Reserves, panicking them, which in turn, panicked the 3rd Pennsylvania Reserves in their rear. As the Federals regrouped and additional reinforcements arrived, however, Hood’s men saw they could not continue to hold their position without help. Union soldiers were infiltrating the gap that had developed between the 6th North Carolina’s right flank and the 4th Alabama’s left, slowed by its advance into the East Woods. The men had to fall back. As Law’s men withdrew, the northern border of the Cornfield along the fence was marked by a long precise, row of Mississippians, stuck down where they stood by one terrible fire.
Hood’s punishing counterattack into the Miller Cornfield had saved the Confederate left, but at a terrible cost. As the survivors retired behind the Dunker Church, they found only about 700 unwounded men of approximately 2000 in the division who had advanced at dawn. For expediency, the remnants of Hood’s two brigades were reorganized in the field as two regiments. Despite the losses however, these veteran soldiers recovered sufficiently to be used to gather up stragglers from other units. By 1:00 p.m., Hood had been resupplied with ammunition and the men were ready for combat once again, but the main fighting had moved further down the line. The Federals showed no further interest in trying to advance against the Confederate left for the remainder of the day.
After the war, on June 1, 1876, Colonel Rufus Dawes of the 6th Wisconsin wrote Colonel (then Governor) Stone a letter that mentioned the fight at Antietam. It reads in part, “We fought the Second Mississippi in the corn field in front of the Dunkark [sic] Church at Antietam. They drove us, and we barely saved by hand a battery of six twelve-pound howitzers, planted in front of some hay stacks. You will remember this place well, if your [sic] are Col. Stone of that Regiment.” This would not be the last time the 2nd Mississippi encountered the 6th Wisconsin in battle. The regiment reported heavy losses of 27 killed and 127 wounded at Antietam. Its strength is not known with certainty, but may have numbered about 300 effectives at the start of the battle (most Southern regiments were much reduced by straggling on the march north into Maryland). Among the wounded were Colonel Stone, Lieutenant Colonel David Humphreys and Major John Blair, all the regiment’s field officers.
 Johnson and Buel, eds., Battles and Leaders, vol. 2, p. 603; O.R., 19, pt. 1, pp. 839, 922-923; pt. 2, pp. 609-610; Priest, Before Antietam, p. 218.
 O.R., 19, pt. 1, pp. 923, 937; Priest, Antietam, pp. 15-17, 19-23.
 Ibid., p. 18. Davis, Leaves in an Autumn Wind, p. 285.
 Murfin, Bayonets, p. 210.
 O.R., 19, pt. 1, p. 923, 937.
 Priest, Antietam, pp. 52, 55-56, 61-62, 64-65, 68-70; Sears, Landscape, p. 213.
 O.R., 19, pt. 1, pp. 923, 925, 938; Sears, Landscape, p. 276.
 Rietti, Military Annals of Mississippi, p. 36; Rowland, Military History of Mississippi, p. 47. One of the wounded was the author’s great-grandfather, Private Thomas Benton Weatherington, Company H, 2nd Mississippi. His pension application says he was wounded in both legs on September 17.
A Sketch of the History of the Second Mississippi Infantry Regiment:
Following Malvern Hill, Hood’s Division recuperated in the vicinity of Richmond for several weeks. Concluding that Richmond was no longer in danger from McClellan’s forces still on the Peninsula, Lee decided that Major General John Pope, commander of the newly formed Federal Army of Virginia, needed to be “suppressed.” On August 13, 1862, Hood was ordered north to take part in Lee’s new offensive. Lee hoped to strike Pope before the balance of McClellan’s troops could be brought back from the Peninsula as reinforcements. Lee sent Jackson around Pope’s right flank and followed with Longstreet’s command as the Federal commander “took the bait” and moved north in pursuit of Jackson.
After destroying the Federal supply depot at Manassas on August 26th, Jackson established a defensive position along an unfinished railroad cut near the old Manassas battlefield. Pope, after finally locating Jackson, began launching attacks against the position on the evening of August 28th. At about 10:00 a.m. the following day, Lee and Longstreet joined Jackson, while Pope remained oblivious to their presence. Jackson’s men were exhausted and running critically low on ammunition. Longstreet advanced his wing northeasterly along the Warrenton Turnpike, Hood’s Division in the vanguard. Longstreet spent much of the day methodically deploying a massive assault column to smash into Pope’s left flank. Hood positioned his old Texas Brigade to the right of the turnpike and Law to the left. Law’s Brigade thus became the leftmost infantry command in Longstreet’s line, almost, but not quite, linking with Jackson’s right, the gap being covered by Confederate artillery.
About 6:00 p.m. Hood’s men were preparing to conduct a reconnaissance to their front, when two Federal brigades with attached artillery and cavalry, obviously unaware of a Confederate presence, came down the turnpike. Pope, who was convinced that Jackson was in retreat and ignorant of Longsteet’s arrival, had prematurely ordered a pursuit of the supposed retreating Confederates. Hood’s men ambushed the Federal column and pushed them back up the turnpike more than half a mile. At one point a Federal counterattack threatened to throw the Confederates back. Brigadier General Abner Doubleday’s Federal brigade was threatening to turn Law’s right flank.
Law countered this move by aligning the 2nd Mississippi along the road, at right angles to the rest of his line. The Mississippians raked Doubleday’s men with an enfilading fire and forced them to retreat to the top of the ridge. As the Confederates continued to advance and engaged the Federals in the failing light atop the ridge, the fighting degenerated into a confused, bloody brawl. Finally however, the Confederates swept the remaining Union infantry and artillery off the ridge. By this time, only dead and wounded Federals remained. Doubleday’s and Colonel Timothy Sullivan’s (formerly Brigadier General John P. Hatch’s) Federal brigades had become a disorganized mob, heading rearward. Officers rode among the men, trying to rally them in hope that they might at least cover a retreat long enough so that some of the wounded could be brought off.
After unsuccessfully berating several groups of retreating Federal troops, Major Charles Livingston of the 76th New York finally came across a regiment marching, as the Seventy-sixth’s historian put it, “in tolerable order.” Livingston ordered them to halt and turn about, “giving emphasis to the command by earnest gesticulations with his sword, and insisting that it was a shame to see a whole regiment running away.” An officer of the regiment in question, apparently annoyed that a stranger would presume to usurp his command, challenged Livingston: “Who are you sir?”
The reply came back, “Major Livingston of the Seventy-sixth New York.”
“Seventy-sixth what?” asked the officer.
“Seventy-sixth New York.”
“Well, then,” replied the officer, probably with more than a little bemused satisfaction, “you are my prisoner, for you are attempting to rally the Second Mississippi.”
As darkness fell and it was only with difficulty that friend could be distinguished from foe, Hood disengaged and fell back to his original position. By midnight, the 2nd Mississippi was back in line just north of the Warrenton Turnpike near the Brawner Farm.
With the morning of August 30th, Lee awaited Pope’s renewed attacks. However Pope spent the morning arguing with his subordinates that the Confederates were in retreat and not, as was actually the case, massing for a counterstroke. Finally at 3:00 p.m. Porter’s V Corps launched a final attack on Jackson’s position, allowing Longstreet’s artillery to pour a deadly enfilade fire into the left flank of the assault column. The Federal attack swept from southeast to northwest diagonally across the front of Hood’s Division. During this final Federal attack, the men of Hood’s division were essentially just spectators. Finally, Longstreet, seeing that Porter’s attack had been repulsed and that Pope had committed his reserves, sent his own massive assault column of 25,000 gray infantry forward, Hood’s Division in the lead, in a smashing counterattack.
With Hood’s Division designated the “column of direction” for Longstreet’s assault, Law, in theory, was to have advanced on the Texas Brigade’s left flank, just north of the turnpike. Theory had long since fallen victim to dust, death and confusion, however. Law lost contact with the Texans almost immediately. His advance instead amounted to a series of moves from one rise to the next in support of some of Hood’s batteries. By about 5:30 p.m. Law had worked his brigade into position in some timber along Young’s Branch at the base of Dogan Ridge. On the ridge above them, Law’s men could see what was left of Major General Franz Sigel’s Union corps, along with a number of batteries, including Captain Hubert Dilger’s, which had proven to be a particular annoyance to the Southerners during their advance. Law decided to attack. Although successful in putting the 45th New York Infantry Regiment to flight, Law’s pursuit was checked by the 2nd and 7th Wisconsin Infantry Regiments – Iron Brigade units – backed by artillery. Thinking this was a situation his brigade should not tackle alone, Colonel Law decided to break off the engagement and return to the base of the ridge. The 2nd Mississippi reported losses of 22 killed and 87 wounded for the two days of fighting. Its strength at Second Manassas was not reported, but the regiment may have carried as many as 450-500 men into action.
The beaten Army of Virginia limped back to Washington where it was absorbed into the Army of the Potomac, once more under McClellan’s helm. Lee now decided to take the fight north into Maryland. Potential foreign recognition, fresh recruits from pro-Southern Marylanders, and improved subsistence for the army from Maryland’s unravaged countryside all played a part in the decision to launch his raid. The Army of Northern Virginia left the vicinity of Manassas on September 2nd, crossed the Potomac north of Leesburg, and on September 7th occupied Frederick, Maryland. Lee decided to split his forces in order to capture the large Federal garrison at Harpers Ferry. The bulk of Longstreet’s troops, including the 2nd Mississippi, marched west to Hagerstown while Jackson’s men with assorted other army detachments took various roads south. Shortly after their arrival at Hagerstown, word came that McClellan had left Washington and was uncharacteristically pressing aggressively upon Lee’s rear guard and screening forces.
 The army was created by combining the three Federal commands that Jackson had bested during his Shenandoah Valley Campaign – the commands of Shields, Banks and Fremont.
 O.R., 11, pt. 3, p. 675; John J. Hennessy, Return to Bull Run (New York, 1993), pp. 138-139, 144-146, 163.
 O.R., 12, pt. 2, p. 605; Hennessy, Bull Run, pp. 289-290.
 Ibid., pp. 295-296, 298-299. The 2nd Mississippi officer in question was not identified.
 O.R., 12, pt. 2, p. 623; Hennessy, Bull Run, p. 303.
 O.R., 12, pt. 2, pp. 565-566; Hennessy, Bull Run, pp. 339-342, 350-351, 362-365.
 O.R., 12, pt. 2, p. 624; Hennessy, Bull Run, pp. 425-426; David G. Martin, The Second Bull Run Campaign (Conshohocken, 1997), pp. 246-247.
O.R., 12, pt. 2, p. 625. CMSR.
 O.R., 19, pt. 1, p. 839, 922, pt. 2, p. 183, 590-592, 603-604; James V. Murfin, The Gleam of Bayonets (Baton Rouge, 1965), pp. 88-90; John Michael Priest, Antietam: The Soldiers’ Battle (New York, 1989), p. xxiii; Stephen W. Sears, Landscape Turned Red: The Battle of Antietam (Boston, 1983), pp. 63-67, 90-92. CMSR. Few new recruits joined the regiment following the spring of 1862.
A Sketch of the History of the Second Mississippi Infantry Regiment:
The Peninsula Campaign: Part II
Shortly after the Battle of Seven Pines, Davis appointed General Robert E. Lee to the command of the Army of Northern Virginia. Stonewall Jackson’s recent smashing victories in the Shenandoah Valley against combined Federal forces three times as large as his own helped shape Lee’s evolving plan to defeat McClellan. Wishing to maintain his options both in the Valley and in front of Richmond, Lee decided he would reinforce Jackson with Chase Whiting’s two brigades. The trip took almost a week. Private Sam Hankins of Company E related a stressful incident during a portion of the trip made by rail:
"At Farmville, Va., we came to the noted long and tall bridge. This bridge had been reported unsafe, and the travelling public between Richmond and Lynchburg would go through Danville, Va., many miles out of the way, to avoid it. We had to risk it, though; and knowing about its being condemned, I had been dreading the danger for some time. I was on top of the car (my usual place) when we arrived at the bridge, and when near its center the train came to a standstill. I looked over the edge of the car far down into the valley, where cattle grazing looked as small as sheep. The engines began to puff and blow and slip, then a slack was followed by a quick jerk, when it seemed that the frail structure was giving way and sinking beneath me. This slacking and jerking lasted one hour, though it appeared to last longer than the war (four years). Conjectures were rife as to the cause of the delay. It was my greatest fright during the war. However, we passed over in safety."
On June 16th, Whiting linked up with Jackson’s “Army of the Valley” at Staunton.
That same day, Lee sent orders to Jackson to join his forces near Richmond. Thus, instead of starting out on another of Jackson’s legendary Valley campaigns, the new arrivals were shocked to learn they were to start back in the direction they had just come. The 2nd Mississippi, first by rail, then on the march, headed toward Richmond now as part of Major General Stonewall Jackson’s Valley Army. Although their destination was the subject of intense speculation, it soon became apparent to the men that Richmond was their goal. The trip to the Shenandoah Valley had only been part of an elaborate ruse.
By June 25th, Jackson gave priority to closing up his strung-out column of march. As a consequence, units of his army in the advance did little more than mark time that day. Sergeant A. L. P. Vairin of the 2nd Mississippi, in the vanguard, recorded, “June 25 Wednesday. Clear. 6 a.m. marched 3 miles & rested til 12 a.m. then marched 1 mi. to Ashland and filed off toward Richmond 1 ½ mi. & rested.... Camped for the night, drew 2 days rations of crackers...”
By June 26th, Jackson’s troops were near the fighting at Mechanicsville between Major General A. P. Hill’s Division and the isolated Federal V Corps commanded by Major General Fitz John Porter. Hill launched a strong attack, but was repulsed with heavy losses. Porter, believing his position to be untenable, retreated to the east.
The Confederates followed Porter the following morning with Jackson’s command on the left wing. Jackson moved with uncharacteristic slowness causing the Confederate battle plans to go awry. A. P. Hill again fell upon the Federals without adequate support. The Union troops were heavily entrenched on high ground behind Boatswain’s Swamp. The battle fought here would carry the name of a nearby landmark called Gaines’ Mill.
Piecemeal attacks against Porter’s center and left had only resulted in heavy Confederate casualties and units being repulsed or pinned down. The rear of the Confederate lines became so chaotic and confused that entire units trying to move forward against the Federals became separated and lost in a sea of human flotsam – wounded and stragglers. Whiting’s Division was the last to arrive on the battlefield. It made its way to a position behind A. P. Hill, just to the right of the Confederate center. As the sun was beginning to fade from view, Lee ordered Whiting forward against the entrenched Federals.
When Colonel Law received the order to advance, he moved out with his brigade in two lines. In the front line was the 11th Mississippi on the left and 4th Alabama on the right. In the rear line was the 2nd Mississippi and 6th North Carolina, respectively. The Texas Brigade formed on Law’s left, also in two lines. Hood’s first line contained, from left to right, Hampton’s Legion, the 5th Texas, and 1st Texas, with the 18th Georgia and 4th Texas in the second line.
After the advance began, General Hood saw that a gap was developing between Law’s right and the left of Brigadier General George E. Pickett’s brigade of Virginians who were moving forward with Law. Hood took personal command of the 4th Texas and maneuvered it across Law’s rear to fill the gap. Apparently some of the men of the 18th Georgia also followed the Texans.
The Federal position chosen as the focus for the attack was a formidable one. Boatswain’s Swamp (actually more of a sluggish stream) flowed at the bottom of a wooded ravine. Behind this stream, the Federals had entrenched in two strong lines, one on the bank of the stream, and the second at the top of the ravine where the woods opened into a field. The stream, with 10-foot banks in places, effectively served as a defensive moat. Earlier the Federals had cleared trees to give them better fields of fire and to construct breastworks, fronted by an abatis of sharpened limbs. To the rear of the second Federal line, the terrain rose to a plateau that was occupied by artillery batteries and additional reserve troops. The Federal troops facing Whiting’s men belonged to Brigadier General John H. Martindales’s Brigade of Brigadier General George W. Morell’s Division, V Corps, Army of the Potomac.
As the 2nd Mississippi advanced with the rest of the brigade, they initially came under artillery fire from the Federal batteries unlimbered on the plateau, but soon were also subjected to heavy musketry. As Whiting reported after the battle:
"...and the whole line, consisting of the Fourth and Fifth Texas, Eighteenth Georgia, Eleventh Mississippi, Fourth Alabama, and Sixth North Carolina, the Second Mississippi being held in partial reserve, but advancing with the line, charged the ravine with a yell, General Hood and Colonel Law gallantly heading [leading] their men."
According to a private in Company E, 2nd Mississippi, the regiment was more involved in the fighting than its “reserve” status would indicate:
"We moved some three or four hundred yards, halted, and came to a front, when Gen. W.C. Whiting, commanding our brigade, gave the order, “Come on!” (not go on). He was seated on his spirited dapple gray. We gave the Rebel yell and across that field we rushed, while men were falling thick and fast. Our orderly sergeant was killed and our second lieutenant wounded. Our third lieutenant being on detached duty, our second sergeant took command of the company."
The charge by Hood’s and Law’s brigades broke the Federal lines and put the defenders to flight, leaving the Confederates in possession of several pieces of artillery, discarded equipment and accouterments and almost two entire Yankee regiments as prisoners of war.
The 2nd Mississippi officially suffered casualties of 21 killed and 79 wounded. It is not known with certainty how many men it took into action. Company E reportedly carried 76 men into the engagement. With its heavy spring recruiting, and accounting for losses at Seven Pines, the regiment may have numbered between 750-800 men during the fight at Gaines’ Mill. “The Second Mississippi, Col. J. M. Stone,” added Whiting in concluding his report of the battle, “was skillfully handled by its commander and sustained severe loss.”
 Hankins, Samuel W. “Simple Story of a Soldier,” Nashville: Confederate Veteran, 1912, p. 24.
 O.R., 11, pt. 3, p. 594; Sears, Gates of Richmond, p. 153.
 Ibid., pp. 174-75.
 A. L. P. Vairin Diary, June 23-25. Jackson, MS: Department of Archives and History.
 O.R., 11, pt. 2, pp. 222, 490-491, 553.
 Ibid., p. 492; Sears, Gates of Richmond, pp. 212-213.
 O.R., 11, pt. 2, pp. 492-493, 555.
 Robert U. Johnson and Clarence C. Buel, eds., Battles and Leaders of the Civil War (New York, 1881), vol. 2, p. 363.
 O.R., 11, pt. 2, p. 568.
 Ibid., pp. 300-302, 306-310; Sears, Gates of Richmond, pp. 213-215.
 O.R., 11, pt. 2, p. 563.
 Hankins, Simple Story, p. 26.
 Sears, Gates of Richmond, pp.240-247.
 Ibid., p. 28; O.R., 12, pt. 2, p. 565.
Following Gaines’ Mill, the Federal commander deceived Lee as to his intended line of retreat. Instead of falling back on his original York River base, McClellan implemented a complex and risky change of base across Lee’s front, south to the James River. Lee however, was never able to firmly come to grips with McClellan’s rear guard and bring the Army of the Potomac to bay on terms favorable to the Confederates. On July 1st, the final battle of the Seven Days, Malvern Hill, was fought. Here the 2nd Mississippi was not actively engaged, but was forced to endure sharpshooter and artillery fire to which they could not effectively reply. The regiment reported losses of 1 killed and 10 wounded, almost all caused by the massed Federal artillery.
At the conclusion of the Seven Days, Lee reorganized the Army of Northern Virginia into two “wings” (this was prior to official approval for an army corps organization). These wings were placed under the command of Stonewall Jackson and James Longstreet. Although Whiting’s Division had been part of Jackson’s command, it was detached on July 13, 1862, and later assigned to Longstreet’s wing. The division was placed under the command of the senior brigadier, John B. Hood, when Whiting took an extended sick leave from the army. After Whiting was transferred, Hood was given permanent command of the division. The brigade containing the 2nd Mississippi remained under the temporary command of Colonel Law. He was officially promoted to the rank of brigadier general on October 2, 1862.
 O.R., 11, pt. 2
 O.R., 12, pt. 3, p. 915; Warner, Generals in Gray, p. 175.
A Sketch of the History of the Second Mississippi Infantry Regiment:
The Peninsula Campaign: Part I
General Johnston moved his troops out of winter quarters on March 8, 1862 in reaction to offensive moves by the new Federal commander, Major General George B. McClellan. Through the weekend of March 8th and 9th, the Confederates slipped quietly out of their lines and headed south to Fredericksburg. When the Federal commander later shifted his army by water to Fort Monroe, Johnston responded by moving his troops on April 5th, to Yorktown (of Revolutionary War fame). New recruits joined the 2nd Mississippi’s ranks along the way.
The regiment spent a relatively quiet month manning the defensive lines at Yorktown. During this time the regiment reorganized “for the war” and on April 23, 1862 installed newly elected officers. Captain John Marshall Stone of Company K, the Iuka Rifles, beat out Colonel Falkner on the second ballot in a close election on April 21st and replaced him in command. In the reorganizations that took place at higher echelons, General Whiting, despite reported problems with alcohol, was assigned to the command of a division that included his old brigade and the Texas Brigade under the command of Brigadier General John Bell Hood. Colonel Evander M. Law of the 4th Alabama assumed command of Whiting’s Brigade.
Johnston, establishing the same pattern of retreat that later became his “trademark,” became fearful that his position at Yorktown would be vulnerable to a turning movement by Union amphibious forces up the York River. This could be expected as soon as McClellan had his heavy artillery in place to suppress the Confederate river batteries. Johnston stayed in the Yorktown defenses only until he thought it prudent to pull out, which he did on May 3rd. He then retreated quickly up the Peninsula toward Richmond with Whiting’s Division acting as the rear guard.
The 2nd Mississippi would see its first major action under Colonel Stone at the Battle of Seven Pines (or Fair Oaks) on May 31, 1862. McClellan’s Army of the Potomac had forced Johnston to retreat all the way to the outskirts of Richmond and sat astride the Chickahominy River. Heavy rains caused the river to flood, cutting communications between two Federal corps south of the river and the rest of the Federal army to the north. Johnston hoped to throw his weight against the two isolated Union corps and destroy them. On May 31st, the Confederates advanced along two converging roads toward the enemy positions south of the Chickahominy. Nine Mile Road, the more northerly route, was the one Whiting’s Division was to take. Whiting would be behind and in support of Major General James Longstreet’s Division.
Law’s Brigade advanced on the road toward Seven Pines with the Texas Brigade in the woods to the right. Although the division was originally intended to back up Longstreet’s offensive along Nine Mile Road, Johnston ordered it forward to secure Longstreet’s exposed left flank instead. Law, in the lead, was unexpectedly hit by fire from a long-range enemy battery. Whiting halted the column and deployed Law’s Brigade to meet the artillery threat, but Johnston, insisting the Federals could not be in force this far from Seven Pines, rebuked him for his excessive caution and ordered Law to send a single regiment across the field. The 4th Alabama went forward but was soon put to retreat when a solid line of Federal infantry rose up and fired into their ranks.
At about 2:30 that afternoon, Union Major General Edwin Sumner had pushed Brigadier General John Sedgwick’s division and a battery of his II Corps across the flooded Chickahominy on rickety, makeshift bridges that most other generals would not have dared to use. These troops had met retreating elements of other Federal commands and formed a defensive position northeast of Fair Oaks. Refusing to believe that the Federals could have crossed the swollen Chickahominy in force and anxious to link up with Longstreet, Johnston continued to order piecemeal attacks.
Whiting threw three more brigades into the expanding fight at Fair Oaks, one after another, against a Federal position that was growing steadily stronger as more of Sedgwick’s men came up from the river crossing. By nightfall, the Federals had about 10,700 men in action, a substantial edge over the 8,700 Whiting brought to the fight. During the fighting late in the day, General Johnston was seriously wounded and the senior major general, Gustavus Woodson Smith, suddenly found himself in command of the Confederate army. The battle dragged on the following day, June 1st, and Smith, uncertain of Johnston’s plans and having none of his own, did not inspire confidence when queried by President Jefferson Davis. Davis would allow Smith hold the army’s reins long enough to see the present battle through, but no longer. The army, Davis decided, must have a new commander. The battle ended about 11:30 a.m. that day with little accomplished by either side except a lengthening casualty list. The 2nd Mississippi suffered a total of 37 casualties – 6 killed, 28 wounded (7 mortally), and 4 captured (including one of the wounded).
 O.R., 5, p. 529; Stephen W. Sears, To the Gates of Richmond (New York, 1992), pp. 14, 36. Most of the companies of the regiment recruited heavily during February and March of 1862. The threat of being forced into service under the new Conscription Act undoubtedly motivated many men to join up at this time. Additionally, an eleventh company – Company L, composed totally of new recruits – was added to the regiment at this time.
 Diary of Major John H. Buchanan, April 21st. Transcribed by Larry J. Mardis, Ph.D. and Jo Anne Ketchum Mardis (Tippah County Historical and Genealogical Society, 1998). Stone won by 445 votes to 410 for Falkner. On the first ballot, Captain Miller also ran. The vote count then was Stone 329, Falkner 302 and Miller 124 [224?].
Stone was born in Gibson County, Tennessee in 1831, but later moved to Corinth, Mississippi where the outbreak of the war found him involved in merchandising. Following the war, he went into politics and was twice elected Governor of the state. In 1876 he was elected by a vote of 97,727 to 47 and in 1889 elected by a vote of 84,929 to 16. He later served as president of the Mississippi Agricultural College. He died on March 26, 1900.
Falkner, apparently bitter over his defeat and not being offered a brigadier general appointment, went back to Mississippi and raised a regiment of cavalry, the 1st Mississippi Partisan Rangers (later renamed the 7th Mississippi Cavalry). He was the colonel of the regiment and served under Chalmers and Forrest. After the war, he built the Gulf & Chicago railroad, became active in politics, and wrote several books. He died on November 7, 1889, having been shot by a business associate in the public square of Ripley, Mississippi (much the same as Colonel Sartoris, his great-grandson’s famous literary character, is also killed).
Hugh R. Miller was a lawyer from Pontotoc prior to the Civil War. He was the Captain of Company G. His discharge papers listed "Superceded" by election as the reason for the discharge and was signed by Governor Pettus. Miller returned to Mississippi and raised a new regiment, the 42nd Mississippi Infantry. Miller and his 42nd Mississippi Volunteer Regiment joined Davis' Brigade during the winter of 1862.
 O.R., 11, pt. 2, p. 490; pt. 3, p. 558; Rowland, Mississippi, p. 45.
 O.R., 11, pt. 1, p. 275; pt. 3, p. 489; Sears, Gates of Richmond, pp. 59, 66-70.
 O.R., 11, pt. 1, pp. 933-934; Sears, Gates of Richmond, pp. 117-119.
 O.R., 11, pt. 1, pp. 989-990; Sears, Gates of Richmond, pp. 134-135.
 O.R., 11, pt. 1, pp. 763-64, 791; Sears, Gates of Richmond, pp. 135-137.
 Ibid., p. 137.
 Ibid., pp. 141, 144. CMSR.
A Sketch of the History of the Second Mississippi Infantry Regiment:
To Virginia and First Manassas
On May 3, 1861, the 2nd Mississippi was formally organized at Corinth with the election of regimental officers. As previously observed, the volunteer companies comprising the regiment had previously been assigned to the Second Regiment, Mott’s Brigade, State Army. William C. Falkner was elected colonel. Bartley B. Boone and David W. Humphreys were elected lieutenant colonel and major, respectively.
The new regiment was immediately transported by rail to Virginia and arrived in Lynchburg on May 9th. On May 10th, the 2nd Mississippi, with 784 officers and men was mustered into Confederate States service for one year. The arrival of the 11th Mississippi on May 13th would begin an association between the two regiments that would last almost continually for the remainder of the war. The regiment took the train from Lynchburg to Strausburg, marched about 18 miles from Strausburg to Winchester, and once again boarded cars for Harpers Ferry, arriving in camp on May 21st.
A May 23, 1861 Inspector General report on the conditions at Harpers Ferry was not very complimentary to the Second in comparison with its “sister” regiment, the Eleventh:
"The two regiments from Mississippi have with them their tents and camp equipage, but are not satisfied with their arms, which are chiefly of the old flint-lock musket altered into percussion. As usual with troops of this description, they all want rifles. They were informed that, for the present, they must rest contented with such arms as it was in the power of the Government to give them. One of these regiments (the Eleventh), under the command of Colonel Moore, is very superior to the other (the Second), under Colonel Falkner. The latter is badly clothed and very careless in its appointments. The officers are entirely without military knowledge of any description, and the men have a slovenly and unsoldier-like appearance. The other regiment seems to take much pride in its appearance, and is endeavoring to improve itself by military exercises..."
"Exposure to many cold, rainy nights had caused some severe colds among the men from the extreme South, and there were some cases of the ordinary camp diseases, but nothing very serious. The clothing of the troops is not abundant, and, in the regiment from Mississippi, under Colonel Falkner, almost every necessary is wanting. They seem to have come away from home without making proper preparations in this respect, and, indeed, it would seem that they expected to receive on their arrival in Virginia all the appointments of a soldier."
Although the 2nd Mississippi was criticized both for its lack of military bearing and readiness during its early existence in the training camps, once the fighting began, the regiment would gain a reputation as one of the best combat units in what was to become the Army of Northern Virginia.
General Joseph E. Johnston arrived to take command of the forces gathering at Harpers Ferry on May 23rd. The 2nd and 11th Mississippi were initially placed in a brigade with the 4th Alabama, Turney’s 1st Tennessee and Imboden’s Staunton (Virginia) Artillery Battery, all under the command of Brigadier General Barnard E. Bee. Because the Harpers Ferry position was exposed to Federal attack, on June 15th Johnston pulled the army back to Winchester, located about 30 miles to the southwest in the Shenandoah Valley.
By the end of June Colonel Falkner wrote in his regimental report,
"The Regiment is well posted [?] in battalion drill. It can perform all battalion maneuvers at quick or double quick time! The measles and mumps have been among my men for two months, but now the Regiment is fast improving and in 10 days will be all right again. We have 200 convalescent, who will report for duty in a few days. We are all satisfied and anxious to serve our country to the best advantage.”
The Federal commander in the east, Brigadier General Irvin McDowell, was under increasing pressure from the Lincoln administration to take the offensive, with short-term enlistments soon expiring for many of his volunteer units. He therefore marched his green army out of Washington on July 16, 1861. His objective was General Pierre G. T. Beauregard’s equally inexperienced Army of the Potomac at Manassas. The Confederates had decided to stand and fight and rely on reinforcements by rail from Johnston’s Army of the Shenandoah to arrive in time to tip the balance in their favor. Portions of Johnston’s army, including the 2nd Mississippi, left Winchester for Manassas on July 18th. The troops marched to Piedmont where they boarded trains for the trip to Manassas on July 20th, arriving there the same day. Unfortunately, only part of the brigade could fit into the available railway cars. Only the 4th Alabama, 2nd Mississippi, and two companies (A and F) of the 11th Mississippi found room
Sunday morning, July 21st found the 2nd Mississippi, 4th Alabama, and the two companies from the 11th Mississippi formed in reserve behind the Confederate line along Bull Run. The balance of Bee’s Brigade was still in transit to Manassas or stuck at Piedmont. By coincidence, both Beauregard and McDowell arrived at almost identical battle plans. Each intended to feint an attack with their left, but strike the main blow with forces massed on the right flank. Had both been completely successful, the armies may very well have simply pivoted around each other allowing an unobstructed march into the respective enemy’s capital! As it turned out, the less successful commander in actually implementing his plan would win the battle. When McDowell’s attack began on the Confederate left, Beauregard thought it was only diversionary and sent only two incomplete brigades, Bee’s and Colonel Francis S. Bartow’s, to that sector. “Double-timing” almost four miles, Bartow and Bee neared the Stone Bridge when they learned that Brigadier General Nathan “Shanks” Evans was being pressed on the left. Another two miles at the double-quick brought them up to Evans who was determinedly holding his ground against an overwhelming Federal force at Matthews Hill. The blow falling on the Confederate left was no feint.
Bee brought his units into battle array extending Evans’ line comprised of the 4th South Carolina and Wheat’s 1st Louisiana Special Battalion (the famed Louisiana Tigers). The 2nd Mississippi and the 4th Alabama came next from left to right and were soon joined by Bartow’s 8th and 7th Georgia regiments, respectively, with the 7th being held somewhat to the rear in reserve. Colonel Falkner was detached with Companies A, C and K in an attempt to silence or force back an enemy battery. Therefore, only seven companies of the 2nd Mississippi were initially put into the battle line. The line began a general advance, but the Federal weight in numbers eventually became overwhelming. Forced to withdraw, the regiments of Bee’s Brigade became separated and the 4th Alabama suffered particularly heavy losses. Only two companies of the 2nd Mississippi – B and G – under the command of Captain Hugh R. Miller and a remnant of the 4th Alabama were still with Bee when the incident arose that gave birth to the legend of how “Stonewall” Jackson got his nickname. Bee fell mortally wounded while leading these men against the advancing Federal line.
The remainder of Evans’ and Bee’s brigades drifted to the rear of Jackson’s line, deployed in battle formation on the reverse slope of Henry House Hill. Here they were met by reinforcements from other parts of the field and coming straight off the cars at Manassas Junction. Seven companies of the 2nd Mississippi not with Bee reformed and Colonel Falkner reported to Beauregard for assignment. These companies were placed in line to the left of an ad hoc battalion assembled by Colonel William “Extra Billy” Smith. This battalion was made up of the one still organized company of the 4th South Carolina, the two companies of the 11th Mississippi, and three companies of his own regiment, the 49th Virginia. This command extended Jackson’s line to the left. Soon the just-arrived 6th North Carolina State Troops joined on the 2nd Mississippi’s left, reaching almost to the Sudley Road and forming the extreme left of Beauregard’s new line. It was approximately 1:00 p.m. when the 2nd reentered the battle that soon became a confused melee of infantry, cavalry and artillery. Major Chase Whiting (later promoted to Major General), who assumed command of Bee’s Brigade after he fell, gave credit to the 2nd Mississippi for the capture of Rickett’s (Battery I, 1st U. S. Artillery) Federal battery. He reported,
"Deprived of their leader with most of their field officers shot, the Brigade still enticed [entered?] the fight directed by the commanding General in person. The Second Mississippi in particular, seven companies strong, charged with other troops and captured Rickett’s Battery, all the horses of which they killed with their musketry. The honor of this brilliant feat of arms they share with a portion of the Eleventh under Lieutenant-Colonel Liddell, the Sixth North Carolina which lost its Colonel, [Charles F.] Fisher, and a portion of Colonel Hampton’s Legion."
The unit usually given credit for the capture of Rickett’s Battery is the 33rd Virginia of Jackson’s Brigade, made possible due to the confusion caused by their approach in blue Virginia militia uniforms.
Colonel J. E. B. Stuart, commanding the 1st Virginia Cavalry, wrote in his report, “Just after the cavalry charge [against the New York Fire Zouaves] our re-enforcements arrived upon the field and formed rapidly on right into line. The first was Colonel Falkner’s regiment (Mississippians), whose gallantry came under my own observation.” Although Stuart does not mention the capture of the battery, Captain John M. Stone of the Iuka Rifles, Company K, 2nd Mississippi, did write of having overrun a Federal battery during the fighting.
Attack and counterattack continued until 4:00 p.m. when the continual arrival of fresh Confederate reinforcements allowed the Southern battle line to overlap the Federal right flank. A general advance was ordered, rolling up the Union line and putting McDowell’s green troops to disordered flight. Captain Stone, who would eventually replace Colonel Falkner as the 2nd Mississippi’s commander, penned the following in a letter to his mother after the battle, “The highest ambition of my life has been realized. I have been in one great Battle for the rights of my Country.” Little could Stone have known that he would later lead the regiment on numerous other bloody fields, many of which would make First Manassas pale in comparison.
The 2nd Mississippi officially reported losses of 25 killed, 82 wounded and 1 missing at First Manassas. Although reports do not give the regiment’s strength, based on statistical estimates derived from the bimonthly muster rolls and the fact that Colonel Falkner earlier reported about 200 convalescents in camp, the regiment may have numbered 550-600 troops in the field on July 21st. Company G claimed to have carried the largest number of men into battle – 68 rank and file – when compared with the other companies in the regiment.
Following the battle, Johnston’s and Beauregard’s commands were merged under General Johnston. A Mississippian, William Henry Chase Whiting, was promoted to brigadier general and given command of Bee’s former brigade. The 2nd Mississippi saw no further action for the rest of 1861. The regiment went into winter quarters on the lower Potomac with the other units in the brigade.
 Great-grandfather of novelist William H. Faulkner. The novelist altered the original spelling of the family name. The Colonel, or at least the legend of the Colonel, apparently exerted a great deal of influence over Faulkner’s writings and is the basis for the character, Colonel Sartoris, in several of Faulkner’s novels. Several parallels can be drawn between the character Sartoris and the real-life Colonel William Falkner.
Falkner was born in Virginia in 1824 and moved to Mississippi from Tennessee at the age of 12. He practiced law and was also a published author of some note. He served with distinction as a lieutenant in the Mexican War and organized the Magnolia Rifles before being elected the first colonel of the 2nd Mississippi at its formation.
 Joseph H. Crute, Jr., Units of the Confederate States Army (Midlothian, VA, 1987), p. 166. CMSR. An estimate based on statistical extrapolation of bimonthly muster rolls indicates the regiment actually mustered more than 900 men on May 10, 1861.
 Davis, Leaves in an Autumn Wind, p. 270.
 O.R., 2, p. 868-869.
 Ibid., 5, p. 913. Confederate General Orders No. 15, dated October 22, 1861 established the Department of Northern Virginia and assigned Joseph E. Johnston to command. However, it was only after Lee replaced Johnston when he was severely wounded at Seven Pines on May 31, 1862 that the Confederate field forces in Virginia were commonly called the Army of Northern Virginia.
The 2nd Mississippi Infantry Regiment had more individuals named to the Confederate Roll of Honor – 141 individuals with 153 listings – than any other regiment in Confederate service (see Appendix C for specifics).
 Also called the 1st Tennessee, Provisional Army. This regiment is not to be confused with the 1st Tennessee Volunteers, which spent most of its career with the Western army -- the Army of Tennessee.
 O.R., 2, pp. 470-72.
 CMSR, roll 111.
 William C. Davis, Battle at Bull Run (Baton Rouge, 1977), p. 139.
 Ibid., pp. 174-175. O.R., 2, pp. 318, 474, 487-89.
 Davis, Bull Run, p. 178.
 Hugh R. Miller, The Great Battle of Manassas, The Examiner, (Pontotoc, 1861), September 13, 1861 issue.
 Davis, Bull Run, pp. 181, 186, 195, 197; O.R., 2, pp. 481, 490, 492, 559; Janet B. Hewett, Andre Trudeau, and Bryce A Suderow, eds., Supplement to the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, 1, pt. 1, (Wilmington, 1994), p. 193, hereinafter cited as Supplement; Miller, Manassas.
 Supplement, 1, pt. 1, pp. 185-188.
 O.R., 2, p. 483; Letter from John M. Stone to his mother, undated fragment, Mississippi Department of Archives and History, Acc. No. Z265.
 O.R., 2, pp. 492, 495, 552; Davis, Bull Run, pp. 200-201, 214, 231-232; Stone to mother.
 O.R., 5, p. 913; Ezra J. Warner, Generals in Gray (Baton Rouge, 1959), pp. 334-335. Whiting’s Brigade, and the one Colonel Law would later inherit, consisted of the 2nd and 11th Mississippi, 4th Alabama, and 6th North Carolina State Troops, also called the “Old 3rd Brigade.” This brigade’s composition was an exception to the general rule of brigading units from the same state together in the Army of Northern Virginia. Earlier in its existence, it also included the 1st Tennessee Provisional Army Regiment.
A Sketch of the History of the Second Mississippi Infantry Regiment:
Background and Introduction: Part V
Another interesting aspect of the makeup of the 2nd Mississippi is the place of birth of its members. Surprisingly, of the 983 records (52.2%) that pro-vided place of birth information, only 25.3% listed Mississippi. 22.3% gave Alabama; 19.5% listed Tennessee; 13.8% South Carolina; 7.6% Georgia; 4.5% North Carolina; 2.0% Virginia; and 1.5% Ireland. These numbers are illustrated in the histogram above.
An intriguing question is raised from an examination of the average and median age of members of the regiment, grouped by place of birth. On performing the basic statistical analysis, the plot above is obtained.
As indicated by the previous plot, the majority of the members of the regiment came from the states of Mississippi, Alabama, Tennessee, South Carolina, Georgia, North Carolina, and Virginia. Of note here is the mean age for the members of the regiment born in Mississippi. At only 20.5 years of age, it is far below the overall mean of 24.6. Also, the median age for this group is only 20 years of age! As a matter of fact, if the native-born Mississippians are excluded from the age statistics, the mean age for the remainder of the regiment jumps to 26.7 and the median to 25 years of age. At first, this appeared to be some sort of mistake in the analysis or an anomaly in the data from the compiled service records. However, with some additional research into the early history of northeastern Mississippi, a plausible explanation was found.
Prior to 1832, the northeastern part of the state belonged to the Chickasaw Nation. On October 20, 1832, the Chickasaws signed the Treaty of Pontotoc which ceded their territory to the state of Mississippi and provided for Chickasaw relocation in the West. However, it was 1837 before tribal leaders made a final decision on where to relocate. Throughout this period, white settlers had been unlawfully settling on Chickasaw lands. By the early 1840’s, most of the Chickasaws had been relocated, and the influx of new settlers increased with the organization of nine counties from the former Indian lands. Thus, it could be said that most of the military aged residents who were native born within Tishomingo, Tippah, Pontotoc, and Itawamba counties, would have been born no earlier than the late 1830’s to early 1840’s. This would explain the age variation when compared with the older “pioneer settlers” from Tennessee, Alabama, the Carolinas, and Georgia.
Although a much more exhaustive statistical analysis could be carried out on compiled service record data, for the purposes of this paper, a presentation of some of more important descriptive statistics was felt to be sufficient. Additional analysis is planned for the “book-length” version of the regimental history in the future.
This brief introduction with some statistical information from the compiled service records probably provides no “earth-shattering” insights into the makeup of the regiment or the motivating factors of the individuals who joined the 2nd Mississippi. However, hopefully it will help provide, even to a small degree, a somewhat better understanding of their regiment from its creation to its ultimate destruction almost four years later.
 A Concise History of Early Itawamba County, Itawamba County GenWeb Internet site, 1998.
Michael R. Brasher
Besides being the self-published author of Civil War books, I am the great-grandson of Private Thomas Benton Weatherington, one of the 1,888 Confederate soldiers from northeast Mississippi that served in the 2nd Mississippi Infantry Regiment in Lee's Army of Northern Virginia. A lifelong Civil War buff, I grew up near the Shiloh battlefield in West Tennessee. I received my MA in Civil War Studies from American Military University. I also hold degrees in Electrical Engineering and an MBA which I draw upon to help shape my own unique approach to researching and writing Civil War history. As former president and co-founder of InfoConcepts, Inc., I was the co-developer of the American Civil War Regimental Information System and Epic Battles of the American Civil War software. I developed and maintained the 2nd Mississippi Infantry Regiment website from 2002 until 2015 and now maintain the 2nd Mississippi Facebook page. I am also writing a regimental history to be released in the near future. I am a retired Air Force officer and now reside in Huntsville, Alabama.